The authors argued that race, sex, and class had to be considered together in the lives of black women, and that no one would fight for them except themselves. At the beginning of 1976, when some of the women who had not wanted to do political work and who also had voiced disagreements stopped attending of their own accord, we again looked for a focus. As the statement read: We need to articulate the real class situation of persons who are not merely raceless, sexless workers, but for whom racial and sexual oppression are significant determinants in their working/economic lives. Combahee River Collective Statement Analysis | ipl.org 2 (Spring, 2001), pp. Match. It was the overlap of race, gender, and the aspirations to the comfort of a class that she poked around the edges of but could not ultimately break into. hTmO0+i%T/tEFCh)4U{Pl0Y%sXjbI-*FAb5LK k1iQ"oe##xIiIsNeQv~6_cq= 2J#VDsY. No one had the right to strip socialism and its rootedness in collectivity, democracy, and human fulfillment from Black women, or the Black radical tradition. We are not convinced, however, that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and anti-racist revolution will guarantee our liberation. Will it turn into something more lasting than a frustrated outburst from those at the bottom? The genesis of Contemporary Black Feminism For the first Read MoreCombahee River Collective (1974-1980) As they explained, Black feminists and many more Black women who do not define themselves as feminists have all experienced sexual oppression as a constant factor in our day-to-day existence. And they were doing even more than that: the Combahee Statement was also written to describe how race, gender, and sexual orientation were woven together in the lives of queer Black women. Contemporary Black feminism is the outgrowth of countless generations of personal sacrifice, militancy, and work by our mothers and sisters. 225 0 obj <> endobj 240 0 obj <>/Filter/FlateDecode/ID[<55A8DDF17D624C57A3DD9554302617BF><2BF3B81EF49545358296A73A72E810D6>]/Index[225 24]/Info 224 0 R/Length 78/Prev 307736/Root 226 0 R/Size 249/Type/XRef/W[1 2 1]>>stream The C.R.C. 571-582, By: Leslie Bow, Avtar Brah, Mishuana Goeman, Diane Harriford, Analouise Keating, Yi-Chun Tricia Lin, Laura Prez, Becky Thompson, Zenaida Peterson, Tiffany Willoughby-Herard, Kristen A. Kolenz, Krista L. Benson, Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Shari M. Huhndorf, Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 13, No. . The class and race tensions within feminism lasted far beyond the seventies. Use of this site constitutes acceptance of our User Agreement and Privacy Policy and Cookie Statement and Your California Privacy Rights. The Combahee River Collective is devoted to fighting race, sex, and class oppression. But we do not have the misguided notion that it is their maleness, per sei.e., their biological malenessthat makes them what they are. They disbanded in 1980 due to internal disagreements. Their point was a simple one: you cannot expect people to join your movement by telling them to put their particular issues on hold for the sake of some ill-defined unity at a later date. There is also undeniably a personal genesis for Black Feminism, that is, the political realization that comes from the seemingly personal experiences of individual Black womens lives. They realize that they might not only lose valuable and hardworking allies in their struggles but that they might also be forced to change their habitually sexist ways of interacting with and oppressing Black women. Many reactionary and destructive acts have been done in the name of achieving correct political goals. their name based off of the Combahee River raid of 1863 led by Harriet Tubman. Stemming out of growing disillusionments with mainstream feminism, the Collective was a Boston-based organisation of Black queer socialist activists. Our situation as Black people necessitates that we have solidarity around the fact of race, which white women of course do not need to have with white men, unless it is their negative solidarity as racial oppressors. Tessa_Nunn. 27, No. Teaching with Reveal Digitals American Prison Newspapers Collection, Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism, As Angela Davis points out in Reflections on the Black Womans Role in the Community of Slaves,. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work. Barbara Smith at a National Gay Rights March, 1993. We must realize that men and women are a complement to each other because there is no house/family without a man and his wife. Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism, Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership. There is a very low value placed upon Black womens psyches in this society, which is both racist and sexist. In 1973, Black feminists, primarily located in New York, felt the necessity of forming a separate Black feminist group. 1, No. In a political moment when futile arguments claimed to pit race against class, and identity politics against mass movements, the C.R.C. Of course, what comes next will depend on what those who constitute the movement do. During our time together we have identified and worked on many issues of particular relevance to Black women. Forego a bottle of soda and donate its cost to us for the information you just learned, and feel good about helping to make it available to everyone. They fared no better in organizations led by white women, who, for the most part, could not understand how racism compounded the experiences of Black women, creating a new dimension of oppression. One of our members did attend and despite the narrowness of the ideology that was promoted at that particular conference, we became more aware of the need for us to understand our own economic situation and to make our own economic analysis. It was our experience and disillusionment within these liberation movements, as well as experience on the periphery of the white male left, that led to the need to develop a politics that was anti-racist, unlike those of white women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of Black and white men. Above all else, Our politics initially sprang from the shared belief that Black women are inherently valuable, that our liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody elses may because of our need as human persons for autonomy. Although our economic position is still at the very bottom of the American capitalistic economy, a handful of us have been able to gain certain tools as a result of tokenism in education and employment which potentially enable us to more effectively fight our oppression. The C.R.C. 1, No. In her introduction to Sisterhood is Powerful Robin Morgan writes: We had always shared our reading with each other, and some of us had written papers on Black feminism for group discussion a few months before this decision was made. The Combahee River Collective started its activities in 1974 and was committed to a non-hierarchical structure. The overwhelming feeling that we had is that after years and years we had finally found each other. In describing the distinct experiences of Black women who were lesbians, they pioneered what would eventually become known as intersectionalitythe idea that multiple identities can be constantly and simultaneously present within one persons body. It leaves out far too much and far too many people, particularly Black men, women, and children. An example of this kind of revelation/conceptualization occurred at a meeting as we discussed the ways in which our early intellectual interests had been attacked by our peers, particularly Black males. [3] Mumininas of Committee for Unified Newark, Mwanamke Mwananchi (The Nationalist Woman), Newark, N.J., 1971, pp. Although we are feminists and Lesbians, we feel solidarity with progressive Black men and do not advocate the fractionalization that white women who are separatists demand. As Black women we see Black feminism as the logical political . They stand in contrast to the Black poor and working class, who live in veritable police states, with low-wage work, poor health care, substandard and expensive housing, and an acute sense of insecurity. Flashcards. A combined anti-racist and anti-sexist position drew us together initially, and as we developed politically we addressed ourselves to heterosexism and economic oppression under capItalism. We decided at that time, with the addition of new members, to become a study group. It was our experience and disillusionment within these liberation movements, as well as experience on the periphery of the white male left, that led to the need to develop a politics that was anti-racist, unlike those of white women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of Black and white men. We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. We realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy. How do we mobilize all of this energy and actually bring about fundamental political, social, and economic change?. Many of us were active in those movements (Civil Rights, Black nationalism, the Black Panthers), and all of our lives Were greatly affected and changed by their ideologies, their goals, and the tactics used to achieve their goals. As a result, many Black women felt shut out of directing those organizations, just as they felt that their experiences as Black women were ignored. hb```f``e`a` @V8OCH'2 19Qiq.&)L)Sa\@>s L95 J:pj]gkivud|8:8:GsGGCi$& y@g00* @, As feminists we do not want to mess over people in the name of politics. The influential Combahee River Collective statement, co-authored by Barbara Smith, expressed a radical, queer black feminist platform still relevant to expressions of black feminism today. [2] [3] The Collective argued that both the white feminist movement and the Civil Rights Movement were not addressing their particular needs as Black women and more specifically as Black . I myself have found the Combahee Statement more compelling than ever. If lynchings, police brutality, and rat-infested housing were the best that American democracy could offer Black Americans, then how bad could communism or socialism really be? As it was explained to me, feminists saw the world as divided between men and women and not between classes. The final, definitive version was published in Zillah Eisenstein, ed., Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism (Monthly Review Press, 1979), 362-72. Wells Barnett, and Mary Church Terrell, and thousands upon thousands unknownwho have had a shared awareness of how their sexual identity combined with their racial identity to make their whole life situation and the focus of their political struggles unique. We believe that sexual politics under patriarchy is as pervasive in Black womens lives as are the politics of class and race. The Combahee River Collective, a black feminist lesbian organization, released the Combahee River Collective Statement in 1978 to define and encourage black feminism. The work to be done and the countless issues that this work represents merely reflect the pervasiveness of our oppression. The fact that individual Black feminists are living in isolation all over the country, that our own numbers are small, and that we have some skills in writing, printing, and publishing makes us want to carry out these kinds of projects as a means of organizing Black feminists as we continue to do political work in coalition with other groups. Summary: The Combahee River Collective. 190-222, African American Review, Vol. The material on this site may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, cached or otherwise used, except with the prior written permission of Cond Nast. Black feminism made sense of my mothers life of work, her compulsory caretaking and debt. After all, werent we all women? But the civil-rights revolution and concerted efforts by the political establishment created a different reality for a small number of African-Americans. document.getElementById( "ak_js_1" ).setAttribute( "value", ( new Date() ).getTime() ); We were told in the same breath to be quiet both for the sake of being ladylike and to make us less objectionable in the eyes of white people. Identity Politics: Friend or Foe? | Othering & Belonging Institute What was the Combahee River Collective and what were the politics and vision advanced by the group, The Combahee River Collective was a Black feminist lesbian organization active in Boston from 1974 to 1980. We have arrived at the necessity for developing an understanding of class relationships that takes into account the specific class position of Black women who are generally marginal in the labor force, while at this particular time some of us are temporarily viewed as doubly desirable tokens at white-collar and professional levels. There is also undeniably a personal genesis for Black Feminism, that is, the political realization that comes from the seemingly personal experiences of individual Black womens lives. Instead, popular culture and mainstream media outlets are fixated on Oprah Winfrey, Beyonc Knowles, and Michelle Obama, to whom they turn for insights into the experiences of Black women. Instinctively, many of us turn to history as a way to grasp some frame of reference. were not the first to break with white feminist and Black-nationalist organizations. hbbd``b`U@P: 1D8 @k2~$2012b`Mg . endstream endobj startxref 0 %%EOF 248 0 obj <>stream Before looking at the recent development of Black feminism we would like to affirm that we find our origins in the historical reality of Afro-American womens continuous life-and-death struggle for survival and liberation. We know that there is such a thing as racial-sexual oppression which is neither solely racial nor solely sexual, e.g., the history of rape of Black women by white men as a weapon of political repression. ability, experience or even understanding. We are of course particularly committed to working on those struggles in which race, sex, and class are simultaneous factors in oppression. The sanctions In the Black and white communities against Black women thinkers is comparatively much higher than for white women, particularly ones from the educated middle and upper classes. Module 2.docx - 1. What are the similarities between It celebrated the possibilities of a political coalition born out of solidarity among groups who recognized the need to be engaged in struggle. This became the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO). 2 (Summer, 1979), pp. We have tried to think about the reasons for our difficulties, particularly since the white womens movement continues to be strong and to grow in many directions. When I came back to the Combahee Statement, in the aftermath of the Ferguson uprising, I saw that its politics had the potential to make a way out of what felt like no way. All Rights Reserved. This became the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO). Have a correction or comment about this article? The C.R.C. [1] During that time we have been involved in the process of defining and clarifying our politics, while at the same time doing political work within our own group and in coalition with other progressive organizations and movements. We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. Learn. 196-212, Jean Ait Belkhir, Race, Gender & Class Journal, The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. After the C.R.C. In 1973, Black feminists, primarily located in New York, felt the necessity of forming a separate Black feminist group. 81-100, Meridians, Vol. I was still annoyed by her absence and neglect when I was younger. As an early group member once said, We are all damaged people merely by virtue of being Black women. We are dispossessed psychologically and on every other level, and yet we feel the necessity to struggle to change the condition of all Black women. The overwhelming feeling that we had is that after years and years we had finally found each other. While my father believed that a revolution was within the grasp of those who fought hard enough to make it happen, my mother, who had studied English, French, and Spanish in college, was finishing her doctorate and raising me and my brother. [3] They are perhaps best known for developing the Combahee River Collective Statement,[4] a key document in the history of contemporary Black feminism and the development of the concepts of identity as used among political organizers and social theorists.[5][6]. Instead, they argued that Black womenand all oppressed peoplehad the right to form their own political agendas, because no one else would. We hope you find it a valuable resource for yourself, and for students. We must realize that men and women are a complement to each other because there is no house/family without a man and his wife. You may unsubscribe at any time by clicking on the provided link on any marketing message. 1100 Words5 Pages. We might, for example, become involved in workplace organizing at a factory that employs Third World women or picket a hospital that is cutting back on already inadequate heath care to a Third World community, or set up a rape crisis center in a Black neighborhood. Although we were not doing political work as a group, individuals continued their involvement in Lesbian politics, sterilization abuse and abortion rights work, Third World Womens International Womens Day activities, and support activity for the trials of Dr. Kenneth Edelin, Joan Little, and Inz Garca. We are not convinced, however, that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and anti-racist revolution will guarantee our liberation. Rr_||2=?|,f]a]IWrYWs~qH(OSn4b$ yV_IU{L]HJ>l#)r<1-a/ %}:f4&-4qIQ >zx /w\p @0P' But Black women who tried to utilize public welfare so that they could spend more time caring for their children were demonized as freeloaders, even as white women who chose to work at home were celebrated for prioritizing their families over personal ambition. A Black Feminists Search for Sisterhood, The Village Voice, 28 July 1975, pp. The material conditions of most Black women would hardly lead them to upset both economic and sexual arrangements that seem to represent some stability in their lives. As we have already stated, we reject the stance of Lesbian separatism because it is not a viable political analysis or strategy for us. He is the leader of the house/nation because his knowledge of the world is broader, his awareness is greater, his understanding is fuller and his application of this information is wiser After all, it is only reasonable that the man be the head of the house because he is able to defend and protect the development of his home Women cannot do the same things as menthey are made by nature to function differently. Join our new membership program on Patreon today. 239-249, Meridians, Vol. (There was no refuge in Boston at that time.) [1] During that time we have been involved in the process of defining and clarifying our politics, while at the same time doing political work within our own group and in coalition with other progressive organizations and . When, in the early eighties, my mother got burned out from haggling with less qualified white male administrators and a fancy career that was going nowhere fast, she started a house-cleaning business. The overwhelming majority of Black women were working-class and were forced to labor both outside and inside their homes. Both are essential to the development of any life. An example of this kind of revelation/conceptualization occurred at a meeting as we discussed the ways in which our early intellectual interests had been attacked by our peers, particularly Black males. (There was no refuge in Boston at that time.) 4-5. We will discuss four major topics in the paper that follows: (1) the genesis of contemporary Black feminism; (2) what we believe, i.e., the specific province of our politics; (3) the problems in organizing Black feminists, including a brief herstory of our collective; and (4) Black feminist issues and practice. The Combahee Statement was anything but divisive. ThePennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography, Combahee River Collective Statement: A Fortieth Anniversary Retrospective, Reflections on the Black Woman's Role in the Community of Slaves, "One Great Bundle of Humanity": Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), Missing in Action Ida B. 3 (February 1974), pp. Black womens extremely negative relationship to the American political system (a system of white male rule) has always been determined by our membership in two oppressed racial and sexual castes. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough. Demita Frazier had been a member of the Black Panther Party in Chicago, right up until the Chicago police helped to assassinate the Panther leader Fred Hampton, in 1969. HTKo0>!0`PzN6WK$i:$%>>%O/Kp}XfAi8;84q0~23:\B. y~ ;`bz*,f-Fu\i My father left when I was two, and my mother took us to Dallas, where she worked as a reading specialist for the Dallas Independent School District. [1] During that time we have been involved in the process of defining and clarifying our politics, while at the same time doing political work within our own group and in coalition with . 21-43, Meridians, Vol. We have arrived at the necessity for developing an understanding of class relationships that takes into account the specific class position of Black women who are generally marginal in the labor force, while at this particular time some of us are temporarily viewed as doubly desirable tokens at white-collar and professional levels. Both of these articles talk about black women 's rights in the 19 th and 20 th centuries talking about topics of racism and sexism . Although we are in essential agreement with Marxs theory as it applied to the very specific economic relationships he analyzed, we know that his analysis must be extended further in order for us to understand our specific economic situation as Black women. We might, for example, become involved in workplace organizing at a factory that employs Third World women or picket a hospital that is cutting back on already inadequate heath care to a Third World community, or set up a rape crisis center in a Black neighborhood. Combahee was never separatist. This would, of course, have been a rejection of the solidarity at the heart of the C.R.C.s politics. Feminism is, nevertheless, very threatening to the majority of Black people because it calls into question some of the most basic assumptions about our existence, i.e., that sex should be a determinant of power relationships. They realize that they might not only lose valuable and hardworking allies in their struggles but that they might also be forced to change their habitually sexist ways of interacting with and oppressing Black women. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work. In its earliest iteration, Black feminism was assumed to be radical because the class position of Black women, overwhelmingly, was at the bottom of society. Material resources must be equally distributed among those who create these resources. Black, other Third World, and working women have been involved in the feminist movement from its start, but both outside reactionary forces and racism and elitism within the movement itself have served to obscure our participation. The fact that racial politics and indeed racism are pervasive factors in our lives did not allow us, and still does not allow most Black women, to look more deeply into our own experiences and, from that sharing and growing consciousness, to build a politics that will change our lives and inevitably end our oppression. 8XXANaA{s*ZQe(GCCM|+J_mCmI^tiPrLs:YfZ/&`7?2I!KRODf!;EM$X Ghpo:A0r# A combined anti-racist and anti-sexist position drew us together initially, and as we developed politically we addressed ourselves to heterosexism and economic oppression under capItalism. During the summer those of us who were still meeting had determined the need to do political work and to move beyond consciousness-raising and serving exclusively as an emotional support group. 2. In the late 1960s, gubernatorial candidate Ronald Reagan made political hay by picking a fight with UC Berkeley over student protest and tenured radicals.. THE COMBAHEE RIVER COLLECTIVE: The Combahee River Collective Statement, copyright 1978 by Zillah Eisenstein. As Black feminists we are made constantly and painfully aware of how little effort white women have made to understand and combat their racism, which requires among other things that they have a more than superficial comprehension of race, color, and Black history and culture. The value of men and women can be seen as in the value of gold and silverthey are not equal but both have great value. %PDF-1.6 % We decided at that time, with the addition of new members, to become a study group. All Rights Reserved. In this section we will discuss some of the general reasons for the organizing problems we face and also talk specifically about the stages in organizing our own collective. Flashcards. The Combahee River Collective formed in Boston, in 1974, during a period that regularly produced organizations that claimed the mantle of radical or revolutionary struggle. We are a collective of Black feminists who have been meeting together since 1974.

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